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Violence against Women: A cause and consequence of women’s inequality

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The recent conviction of Adrian Bayley in Australia for the brutal rape and murder of Jill Meagher, the savage murder of Jolanta Lubiene and her eight year old daughter Enrika in county Kerry and the media furore around the photos of celebrity cook Nigella Lawson being assaulted by her husband, have all brought into sharp focus the issue of violence against women.
Co-incidentally two weeks ago the annual report for 2012 from Women’s Aid was published. Its facts were equally shocking.

·       One in five women in the Irish state will experience violence and abuse from an intimate partner

·       3,230 disclosures of direct child Abuse to the Women’s Aid Helpline – a 55% increase on the previous year

·       11,729 calls to the Freephone Helpline

·       32 calls per day

·       49% of the women supported in One to One service were experiencing abuse from a former husband, partner or boyfriend

·       30% of first time one to one support visits were with women from migrant communities

·       The most dangerous time can be when a woman is planning or making her exit and in the period afterwards.
The facts are equally stark in the north. The Making the Grade report in 2007 revealed that:

·       In 2006/7 the PSNI responded to a domestic incident every 22 minutes of every day of the year.

·       In 2006/7 there were more domestic violence related crimes (10,115) than the combined total for sexual offences against children, indecent exposure, robbery, armed robbery, hijacking, fraud and counterfeiting, shoplifting, dangerous driving, offences and firearms offences

·       20% of all attempted murders in 2006/7 had a domestic motivation

·       The rate of conviction for rape decreased from 28.2% in 1994 to 19% in 2005.

·       The number of recorded rapes increased from 292 in 2001 to 457 in 2006.

·       84% of victims of sexual offences were women.
But as with any statistics it is essential that you look beyond the bullet points and focus on the human experience that they reflect.

The Women’s Aid report records harrowing accounts of this experience. Women have described being locked in and prevented from leaving their houses, being drugged, assaulted and hospitalised, being beaten while pregnant or breast-feeding, being gagged to stop screaming, being raped and sexually abused, including being pinned down and assaulted, and being forced to have sex in return for money to feed their children.
For women violence includes but is not limited to domestic violence, forced marriage, rape and sexual assault, crimes in the name of honour, murder, trafficking and sexual exploitation, female genital mutilation, sexual harassment and stalking. It causes physical damage ranging from death to miscarriages to broken limbs. Sexual offences can also result in sexually transmitted diseases and forced pregnancies, as well as leaving long term psychological damage.

Kofi Annan, the former head of the United Nations said:
“Violence against women is perhaps the most shameful human rights violation and it is perhaps the most pervasive. It knows no boundaries of geography, culture or wealth. As long as it continues we cannot claim to be making real progress towards equality, development and peace.”

Safe Ireland also published the results of a one day survey which revealed that almost 850 women and children received support and protection from domestic violence over a single 24-hour period on November 6th last year.

The survey found that more than 500 women and over 300 children sought domestic violence services on that day. Almost 270 women and children were accommodated in refuge, with 21 women being turned away due to lack of space. The census also found that more than 20 pregnant women looked for safety from violence.

At its core violence against women is a cause and a consequence of women’s inequality. It cannot be challenged and defeated without a recognition of this.
So how do we end it? Coherent, integrated and properly economic, social, cultural and political strategies are needed. Such strategies do work.

Regrettably, in the south the promised consolidated domestic violence legislation contained in the Programme for Government has yet to be delivered. This week I again asked about this in the Dáil. The Minister for Justice wrote me a letter saying that it will be ‘progressed as soon as possible having regard to the need for consultations and other legislative priorities in the Department of Justice and Equality.’
Other legislative priorities? What greater priority should there be than protecting the lives and human rights of women and girls.

The bottom line is that there is no underlying strategic approach or priority being given to this issue.
The Minister also told my comrade Mary Lou McDonald that the government has still not signed the European Convention on Preventing and Combatting Violence against Women and Domestic Violence.  It apparently supports the aims and terms in principle but he claims there is a ‘particular difficulty reconciling property rights under the Irish constitution with the requirement under Article 52 of the European Convention and the availability of barring orders.’

This is also the rationale presented by the Minister for rejecting Woman’s Aid recommendation for an on call system for accessing emergency barring orders to give women and children protection. And yet when the government rushed through legislation in the Dáil earlier this year on the Irish Bank Resolution Company it included a provision requiring the ‘permanent or temporary interference with property rights for the common good.’
So, we can have rushed legislation on property rights to aid banks but no legislation on property rights to help women victims of violence. And all the while violence against women continues.

 

Remembering – July 8th 1981

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Tomorrow we remember some of the victims of Thatcher’s militarist Irish policy among them hunger striker and IRA volunteer Joe McDonnell, Nora McCabe and Fian John Dempsey.
 
Joe, who was arrested in October 1976 along with his close friend and comrade Bobby Sands, died on July 8th 1981. He was the fifth of the hunger strikers to die. Joe, who was aged 30, was also one of those who stood in the 1981 general election for the Dáil. He missed out on winning a seat in Sligo-Leitrim by 315 votes.
 
Each of those who died on hunger strike was a unique and exceptional individual in their own right. Joe was married to Goretti. They had two children, Bernadette and Joseph.  He was born in the Lower Falls but grew up in the Greater Andersonstown area and came to live in Lenadoon Avenue where he was a well-known and very popular man.
When talking about him now all those who knew him, both in the prison and outside all remark on his great sense of humour. Even in the face of enormous adversity he was always laughing and playing practical jokes.
From the day he was sentenced Joe refused to put on the prison uniform to take a visit, so adamant was he that he would not be criminalised. He died just after 5am on Wednesday morning July 8th 1981 after 61 days on hunger strike.
Nora McCabe
A few hours later Nora McCabe, a 33 year old mother of three young children was struck by a plastic bullet fired from an RUC landrover. She was walking from her home in Linden Street just off the Falls Road to a local shop when she was struck in the head. She died the following day.
 
RUC efforts to claim that they were not responsible for the incident and that the only plastic bullet had been fired at two petrol bombers came unstuck when film footage from a Canadian television crew showed that the fatal shot had come from an RUC landrover and that there were no petrol bombers.
 
As ever the British system protected its’ own and no one was prosecuted for Nora McCabe’s death. On the contrary the RUC Commander for west Belfast who was in the vehicle from which the plastic bullet was fired and who gave evidence claiming that there were two petrol bombers and that the RUC were never near Linden street, was promoted to the rank of Assistant Chief Constable.
 
16 year old Fian John Dempsey was shot and killed by British soldiers at the Falls bus depot. I visited the wake house and attended the funeral. A few days later I wrote in An Phoblacht/Republican News: 
Until the morning of last Wednesday week, Fian John Dempsey, aged 16, lived in one of the grey houses which sprawl on either side of the Monagh Road in Turf Lodge.
His family, a week after his death, are now like so many other families, trying to pick up the pieces - in the heart-rending vacuum which is always created by sudden death, especially by the death of one so young and cheerful as John.

At the wake on Thursday week he looks only twelve years old, his body laid in an open coffin flanked by a guard of honour from Na Fianna Éireann.

Hardened by many funerals, by too many sudden deaths, yet one is riveted to the spot unable to grasp the logic, the divine wisdom, the insanity, which tightened a British soldier's trigger finger and produced yet another corpse.

"He's so young, " exclaimed those who call to pay their respects. "Jesus, he's only a child."

All night, neighbours, friends and relatives call. All with the same reaction.

But young people call also, shifting uncomfortably in adult company, but strangely unshocked - not visibly at any rate - by what they see in the sad living room of the Dempsey home.

Just a tightening of young faces as they gaze silently at John's remains, a hardening of eyes, and then silently out again to stand in small groups at the street corner. None of the awkward handshakes and mumbled "I'm sorry for your troubles".

They understand better than most the logic which directed the British Army rifle at John, and, having understood, they pay their respects and move outside - to wait.

John's mother, Theresa, sits comforted by friends, while her husband Jimmy stands, a gaunt figure at the head of his son's coffin, gently stroking John's head. Jimmy shakes hands with Dal Delaney - both fathers of dead patriots (the latter of Dee Delaney killed in a premature bomb explosion in Belfast in January 1980).

Many of Jimmy's prison comrades come to the house. He spent six years in Long Kesh as a political prisoner, and soon talk turns to the Kesh, but not like at an adult wake where 'craic' flows non-stop.

At least, not in the living room, where the youthful figure in the coffin brings one sharply back from what has passed to what lies ahead, from what has been done, to what still remains to be done.

The next morning, the slow sad procession to the chapel on a bright warm summer morning; and after Mass, the girl piper heralding our passing as we make our way, once again, to Milltown. Down from the heights of Turf Lodge, past the spot where John was murdered, and by the British Army barracks, through the open gates of the cemetery, to the republican plot, where two open graves - one for Joe McDonnell - await our arrival.

John left school at Easter. He played hurling and football for Gort Na Mona and soccer for Corpus Christi, and like his father and his many uncles he was a keep fit enthusiast with an interest in body building.

He joined Na Fianna Éireann in October 1980 and like many young people from Turf Lodge, was subjected to regular harassment by British soldiers.

Wreaths are laid before we leave for Lenadoon and the funeral of Joe McDonnell.

John Dempsey's funeral, a smaller and in many ways a sadder ceremony than Joe's, is a stark reminder that for the first time in contemporary Irish history, the struggle has crossed the generation gap.

When Joe McDonnell was first interned in 1972, John Dempsey was a mere seven years old. Yet they were to die and be buried in the same republican plot, within hours of each other, in the service of a common cause and against the same enemy.

As Jimmy Dempsey said of his son, "John has joined the elite. He died for the freedom of his country."

So, did Joe McDonnell. Go ndeanfaidh dia trocaire uirthi.

Weasel words from Micheál Martin

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On Tuesday in the course of Taoiseach’s Questions in the Dáil the Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin raised the issue of the Boston tapes, paraded the Ed Moloney book based on some of these tapes, and spoke about the PSNI investigation into the killing of Jean McConville. It was another piece of political opportunism by the Fianna Fáil leader with no interest in due process or truth, just smear and allegation.

On the premise that the Taoiseach had visited Boston College recently he asked if the Taoiseach had asked about the Boston tapes and if he would make a statement on the matter.

The Taoiseach said he had not raised the issue and therefore would not be making a statement. Mr. Martin then went on to make his remarks.

Later that evening I met some of the families of those who were killed and secretly buried by the IRA. I made clear my commitment to do all that I can to help find all of the remains and to bring closure to them.

I am publishing on this blog my response in the Dáil:

I am uncertain as to whether I should ignore the leader of Fianna Fáil in his charges. Sometimes, it is impossible to know what the right thing to do is when someone comes in with a book, parades it in the Chamber, makes accusations and engages in weasel words.

Should I sit on my dignity and let this pass or get up and speak to the issue? I was very taken last week talking about other tapes - the Anglo Irish Bank tapes - to note mentally that the leader of Fianna Fáil spoke to the Taoiseach and said "You choose to exploit the past, not to learn from it". I said "Micheál, I hope you remember that".

The Boston tapes is a matter that is in the hands of the PSNI and it will do with that what it wants.

I have been very restrained in my comments about all of that and will continue to be. I have consistently rejected claims, however, by those who accuse me of having any knowledge of or part in the disappearance and killing of Jean McConville.

The issue of those who were detained, abducted, shot and buried by the IRA is a terrible legacy of the conflict. We know it is not unique to this phase of the conflict. It has happened at other times. There are still issues going back to the Civil War and the Tan war, which have to be resolved.

At least, this generation of republicans, among whom I count myself, is trying to undo the wrong that was done.

Clearly, those who were killed cannot be brought back to life, but I do think that a grievous wrong was done. For its part, the IRA, which is now on ceasefire, has left the stage and is not around, apologised for what it did.

I have been very much part of the effort to retrieve these remains since I was approached by some of the families. Some of the families are republican families. Some of them are friends of mine. Some of them are neighbours of mine. Fr. Alec Reid, others and I have worked very hard, which the leader of Fianna Fáil must know.

The commission was established under a Government of which he was a part. The different suggestions that were put and the co-operation the IRA, including what were referred to as "primary sources", gave to the commission are matters of public record. The man who is in charge of the special forensic investigating team, which was put in place on suggestion from us, has acknowledged all of this.

He said in 2009 that those who were working with him were working in a spirit of co-operation and reconciliation to help in every way they could. He said he was absolutely convinced that they were doing everything they could to assist.

Now, we come to how this is used to score political points. I am also meeting the families this evening. I made the point earlier that some of them are friends of mine and many are my neighbours.

Those who make accusations against me, apart from those in the Dáil, are implacable opponents of the peace process.

They say there should not be a peace process and the war should have continued, and they attack me as a means of undermining that.

Some of them are passed, some of them are still active and some of them are still out there. At least, they have their convictions. They are not doing it for electoral gain. They are not doing it for political point scoring. They are not doing it as a Fianna Fáil leader trying to reclaim the republican mantle which was so despoiled by successive Fianna Fáil leaderships which let the people down in a most deplorable and anti-republican way.

It is also my view that those who brought together this Belfast project have a similar view. These two individuals who misled are not supporters of the peace process. They have since acknowledged that they could not and should not have given the commitments which they gave that these would not be revealed until these individuals were dead.

I am trying not to fall into the trap here of trading points on other people's wounds with the leader of Fianna Fáil. I have a deep investment in what is happening in the North. I will continue to have a deep investment. I do not shy away, I do not hide, I do not disassociate myself but I like to think that I am also defined, as are those who work with me, by what we have still to do.

I would appeal, once again, because I believe - I cited the person in charge of the forensic team's statement that republicans are co-operating actively - the remains of nine of these persons have been recovered and are in graves that their families can visit. Seven have still to be found.

Not all of those seven were killed by the IRA, but seven have still to be found and we all need to do our best to play a positive role in this.

I appeal, once again, to anyone with any information whatsoever, no matter how small, tiny or insignificant he or she thinks it might be, to bring that forward to the commission, to the families, to the Garda or to the PSNI, or to me or anyone else he or she thinks can usefully bring this forward to help these families.”

I later concluded m y remarks by addressing the Taoiseach’s suggestion that I should make a statement in respect of Jean McConville – something I had already done. I reminded him that I had just said; I have consistently rejected claims that I had any knowledge of or any part in the abduction or killing of Jean McConville.’

I went on: “I do so again today. Will that be the end of the matter? Of course not because this party, (Fianna Fáil) under its current leader, is fighting a battle for its survival and that is its only concern in raising this issue. I repeat what Teachta Micheál Martin said last week to the Taoiseach: "You have chosen to exploit the past, not to learn from it." He should practice what he preaches. The abduction, killing and burial of the people concerned was a grave injustice, but efforts are ongoing and when the seat on which Deputy Micheál Martin has his bum is cold, they will still be ongoing until all the remains have been returned.

Jean McConville was one of those whose remains were retrieved through the diligent work of the people on the commission and others, but the remains of seven people have yet to be found. We have to continue with our efforts, no matter what is said or how this is used or exploited for party political gain.”

 

Christopher O Neill - A Brave, Courageous Republican

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 Early this morning I left Dublin and travelled to Kilrea in county Derry. It was there in the early hours of Saturday morning last weekend that two young men from that community were killed in a tragic road accident.


Christopher O Neill and Declan McKenna were both aged 22. Christopher O Neill was also a leading Sinn Féin member in the area.

Today Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, Daithi McKay MLA and local Sinn Féin Councillors and party activists and hundreds of local people joined with the family to bury their Christopher.

Kilrea came to a stop. It’s much like any small town in rural Ireland and in brilliant sunshine the funeral cortege followed behind a coach pulled by two black horses.

We made our way to St. Mary’s in whose cemetery two other Sinn Féin members, Tommy Donaghy and Danny Cassidy who were killed by unionist death squads are also buried.

This is my oration at the graveside of Christopher O Neill.
“I am very sad but very honoured to be here speaking to you today at the funeral of Christopher who was tragically killed on Saturday with his friend Declan who was buried yesterday.

I want to welcome all of you who have travelled here this morning to stand with Christopher’s clann and to extend to them on your behalf, and to the McKenna clann, our sincerest condolences and solidarity at this terrible time.

Tá muid buioch daoibh. Tá fhios agam go bhfuil bhur croí briste. Caithfidh mé a rá go bhfuil a lan daoine brónach inniu. Caill muid ar cara.

The deaths of Christopher and his friend Declan have left a deep void in the lives of the O’Neill, Davey and McKenna families; their extended family circles and the community of Kilrea.

Their deaths are a deep blow to these families.

To Christopher’s mother Maria, his sister Ciara and girlfriend Mairead and their entire families I want to express my sincerest sympathies and condolences on behalf of republicans everywhere. Your loss is a terrible one.

I have some limited sense of what you are going through. Two of my young nephews – teenage brothers Liam and Miceál – were killed in a car crash.

Families never get over such a loss. You can only slowly learn to live with it.

So I hope it is some small consolation for you to know that you are in the thoughts and prayers of Christopher’s comrades, of your neighbours and people everywhere.

Christopher’s death at any time would have been hard but coming as it did on the first anniversary of the death of his father Kevin it was especially traumatic for the family.

Christopher and Declan were only 22. They were childhood friends growing up across the street from each other and going to the same school – St. Paul’s College in Kilrea.

From a very young age Christopher had a deep interest in Irish republicanism. He grew into a deeply committed republican activist. Christopher joined Sinn Féin at the early age of 16 and was highly regarded by all of his colleagues.

He was a member of the Dunloy Fallen Comrades Flute Band and was also the Chair of McGinn/Rodden/Donaghy/Cassidy Sinn Féin Cumann in Kilrea. This was an important role which he fulfilled with energy and distinction.

In 2011 he stood as a candidate for Sinn Féin in the Skerries ward in Coleraine Council picking up almost 300 votes and coming close to taking the last seat. Those who canvassed with him were impressed by his energy and enthusiasm and ability to articulate Sinn Féin policy.

This struggle has been blessed by having so many brave and courageous people involved with it. Christopher was one of these. He played his part.

Christopher’s death is not the first tragedy inflicted on his family. You suffered the devastating loss of his grandfather; our friend and comrade Councillor John Davey who was shot and killed in February 1989.

John is an iconic figure in the decades of republican struggle. He was a lifelong republican, who worked tirelessly for his community and who was loved by all who knew him.

I never to my knowledge met Christopher but without doubt we were in attendance at the same meetings in our time. I have met many hundreds of young activists, like Christopher, who have become involved in this struggle in the years since the IRA cessations and the Good Friday Agreement. Young men and women who were only youngsters in the worst years and have no personal recollection of the war or who weren’t even born then.

Like them Christopher was a republican through conviction. Yes, he was conscious of his grandfather’s enormous contribution to Irish republicanism and of the circumstances of his death, but Christopher’s republicanism also came from his own deep understanding of the damaging effects of partition and British government involvement on this island.

Christopher understood that the republican struggle for freedom and justice and the reunification of Ireland is the best means to secure a lasting peace between the people who live on this island and between these islands.

I am very certain that John Davey, who helped lay the foundations of a strong republican party in this area, would be enormously proud of Christopher. He would be equally proud of the achievements of local republican activists.

Because of the sacrifice of men and women like John Davey and Tommy Donaghy and Danny Cassidy, of Sheena Campbell and Bernard O’Hagan and the hard work and dedication of younger activists like Christopher O Neill, Sinn Féin and Irish republicanism is stronger now than at any time since partition.

In the 2011 local government elections Sinn Féin emerged with 25% of the overall vote and 138 council seats – a huge achievement. While other parties were in decline Sinn Féin’s vote and the number of seats we held increased. Christopher contributed to that.

Christopher will be missed by his family and all who knew him.

He will also be missed by his republican family. Next year we will be facing into the next round of elections for local councils and European elections. I have no doubt that Christopher would have been central to that endeavour in this area.

He would have been on the streets and laneways rapping doors, canvassing, arguing the republican case and looking votes for candidates – including probably himself.

But more than all of this Christopher was a much loved son, brother, boyfriend, cousin, uncle, friend. All of you who knew him best will have your own special memories. Keep them fresh; keep those memories – stay strong and be glad and proud of Christopher your family member, your friend and our comrade and his friend Declan.”
 
 


Christopher’s friend and comrade Sean Bateson also spoke at the graveside. Sean said:

“It is with great sadness that I stand before you at the graveside of Christopher O’Neill to pay my respects on behalf of Sinn Féin Republican Youth.

As you are well aware coming from the many comments and remarks from everyone over the past few days, Christopher was an exceptional young lad who had his whole life ahead of him but instead it was tragically taking from him in the early hours of Saturday morning along from him on the early hours of Saturday morning along with his close friend Declan McKenna.

I knew Christopher well, he was a comrade but also a friend of mine and it was only last Thursday that me and him sat outside the front of my house chatting about politics and this and that and the other.

Unfortunately like the rest of you it will be the last time I will ever get to speak to Chrissy again.

But that’s the type of lad Chrissy was. He was an exceptionally kind, generous, down to earth and warm hearted lad who had all the time of the day to sit and shat away to everyone regardless of who they were. These are the type of attributes which made Chrissy such a fantastic, capable and talented young Republican and he took these with him as he served the role of Chairperson of the local Sinn Féin Cumann here in Kilrea.

Coming from a large republican family with his grandfather being John Davey, a Sinn Fein Councillor from Lavey who was murdered by loyalists acting in collusion with British state forces in 1989, Christopher knew fine well about the struggle for equality, justice, unity and freedom here in Ireland and this is what propelled him to take on such a role within the republican movement.

His untimely death at such a young age is a great loss to the republican movement and of course to his family and friends and the wider community here in Kilrea and beyond.

I want to extend my sincere and heartfelt condolences to the O Neill and McKenna families on behalf of Sinn Féin Republican Youth. Our thoughts and prayers are with you at this very difficult time.
 

Fighting for the rights of the oppressed -Toshi Seeger

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At the weekend I learned with great sadness of the death of Toshi Seeger. She died on July 9th. She had just turned 91 on July 1st. Four years ago I had the huge pleasure of meeting her and her husband Pete at their home in Upper New York State.

As a teenager growing up in the 1960s Pete Seeger was and still is one of my heroes. He was an American singer songwriter and was already a legend by that time.  Seeger was a contemporary of Lead Belly and Woody Guthrie; wrote and sang songs of protest; was vocal in his opposition to segregation and racism, and in support of trade unions, and in the 1950’s he was blacklisted during the McCarthy era.

His songs helped shape the music of the 20th century and influenced generations of other musicians. For over 70 years he has been out there singing his songs and making music for workers and fighters for civil rights, and women and disadvantaged people. He still is at ninety four years of age.

Anyone who saw him on television with Bruce Springsteen and a gang of
other wonderful musicians at the first Obama inauguration will have marvelled at the man’s energy and musicality. And he is still an activist. And an idealist.

Four years ago, during one of my mad schedules of events in the USA and Canada a mutual friend arranged for me to travel to Pete’s home in Beacon, in the Hudson River Valley in Upper New York State and to meet him and his wonderful wife Toshi.

 They live in a forest. In 1949 he and Toshi bought a bit of land and lived in a trailer before building a log cabin and after some time the house that they now live in. It is a very beautiful and quite isolated place.

When we arrived at the front door Pete was on his way out. He was pushing a wheelbarrow.

‘Here are our friends, all the way from Ireland’ he announced to Toshi, a
small cheery faced woman who was busy at the table in the big kitchen.
She welcomed and shepherded us into the heat while her husband wheeled
his barrow outside.

‘Pete was bringing in wooden blocks for the fire’ Toshi explained.

Soon we were gathered in a circle listening to Pete’s yarns. He is a
natural story teller and within minutes he was singing for us to
illustrate a point. His first songs were pop songs from the 1920’s and
he sang a few bars to give us a flavour of that time.

‘Now here’s one an Irish plumber taught me forty years ago and he launched
into Óró Sé Do Bheatha Bhaile.

‘Óró sé do bheatha bhaile. Oró sé do bheatha bhaile. Oró sé do bheatha baile. Anios ar theacht an tsamhraidh.’

This Blog is pleased to say that I sang close harmony on that one.

And before we knew we were into Guantanamera and then If I Had A Hammer and Pete was talking about his parents and his grandparents and his Irish great granny and Woodie Guthrie, and The Weavers and Ireland and Tommy Makem and the Clancy Brothers and Tommy Sands and Bruce Springsteen and the Clean Up the Hudson campaign, all interspersed with songs and Toshi was making tea and keeping him right. 

Because that’s what she did for 70 years – organising his life and keeping him right.  

Speaking after her death Pete described her as the ‘brains of the family’. ‘I’d get an idea and wouldn’t know how to make it work and she’d figure out how to make it work.’ 

In a biography of him in 1981 the author said of Toshi: ‘As Pete’s producer she made sure he was in the right place at the right time and in the right mood and knew where to go next. When problems arose she took the blame. At tax time when her shy singer couldn’t face how much money he earned – or worse, how much he gave the government for war – Toshi would place a blank page over the return when he signed it.’ 

Toshi produced his concerts, organised his schedule, helped found the Newport Folk Festival and made an Emmy award winning documentary about him. 

She was fundamental to his life. But she also had a wicked sense of humour. One friend of the family recalls seeing an old cartoon on the wall. It’s of a woman answering the phone and she’s got a child under her arm  and the phone in her hand and she’s doing the dishes and mopping the floor with her foot and the caption reads something like; ‘I’m sorry my husband can’t come to the phone right now. He’s out fighting for the rights of the oppressed.’ 

Our visit to their home in November 09 was a special moment. Toshi’s death is a huge blow to Pete and their son Daniel, daughters Mika and Tinya, their six grandchildren and one great grandson. But it is also a loss to all of us who have admired and enjoyed the music of Pete Seeger.  

Go ndeanfaidh Dia trocaire uirthi.

 

Lá Breithe Madiba

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I want to extend birthday wishes to Nelson Mandela – Madiba - who is 95 today.

Lá breithe shona duit Madiba”.

People around the world will today celebrate Madiba’s birthday with him and his family.

Throughout his life Madiba has demonstrated enormous courage, vision and tenacity.

He is a role model and example to us all.

Madiba is in my view the greatest political leader of our time.
 
 


 

Moore Street – the campaign must go on

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Every state holds monuments which are important to its sense of identity. This is particularly true of those states which have fought for freedom against foreign occupation and oppression. Think of the USA and the American Revolutionary War. Independence Hall in Philadelphia is where the Declaration of Independence was signed; or Faneuil Hall in Boston which was the site of speeches setting the scene for the subsequent war of independence or Paul Revere’s home.
The French have the former Army ammunition dump at Les Invalides in Paris which was stormed by revolutionaries and whose weapons were then used to attack the Bastille.

The Vietnamese have their Củ Chi system of tunnels which was the base of operations for their Tết Offensive in 1968. The people of South Africa have Robben island where Madiba and other famous political prisoners courageously opposed the apartheid regime.

And on it goes. Place after place. State after state. Proud of their history. Proud of their resistance to injustice. Proud to have fought and won their freedom.

Now imagine the scandal, the outrage if Independence Hall was left to become derelict or Les Invalides had fallen into disrepair or Robben Island was abandoned to the elements?


Regrettably that is what successive Irish governments have allowed to happen to 14-17 Moore Street which was accepted as a National Monument by the Irish government in 2007. This is the place where, on the Friday evening of Easter week and with the GPO in flames behind them, the surviving leaders of the 1916 Rising and the men and women of the GPO garrison escaped to. Carrying a wounded James Connolly they left the GPO by a side entrance in Henry Street. Under sustained sniper fire from British soldiers they managed to reach Moore Lane and then Moore Street.

The garrison entered number 10 and tunnelled from one house to the next until they reached no 16 – Plunket’s a poultry shop.

In a room in this terraced house the members of Provisional Irish Government held their last council of war. Pádraig Mac Piarais, Joseph Plunkett, Tom Clarke and Seán Mac Diarmada and James Connolly met to decide their next move. They had hoped to reach the Four Courts but that was clearly impossible. They looked at the possibility of storming the British Army position at Parnell Street but that too was ruled out.

Finally they decided that the only sensible course of action open to them was to surrender and Elizabeth O’Farrell was given the arduous and dangerous task of making her way to the British lines. She met the British General Lowe in Tom Clarke’s shop a short distance away in Parnell Street and a short time later Pearse signed the surrender document at the Moore Street barricade.



These are what Taoiseach Enda Kenny aptly described in a debate with me in the Dáil as ‘the laneways of history’. This isthe ‘battlefield site of 1916’ but much of it is to be concreted over to make way for a shopping mall!

Last week I was among a delegation of Oireachtas members who visited the national monument in Moore Street. I was shocked and dismayed by the condition of the buildings. They stand in a state of considerable dereliction and decay. No other state in the world would allow such an iconic national monument to deteriorate into such a shameful condition. The roofs are in poor condition; there are serious structural problems with ceilings and walls, and dampness is everywhere; joists are severely decayed and some floors are unstable and have sagged, and there is substantial rot in timber rafters.

On the same day as our visit the Minister of Arts, Heritage and Gaeltacht Jimmy Deenihan TD announced his proposals for the preservation and development of 14-17 Moore Street which I welcome but these proposals exclude the battlefield site which is disappointing.

The Minister’s decision changes important aspects of the plan by the owners of the site, Chartered Lands. This company is owned by Joseph O’Reilly who has been described in the media as NAMA’s largest client with debts of close to €3bn’ and who is paid a salary of €200,000 out of the public purse by NAMA.

The Minister’s changes are in part good news. He has consented to works on the National Monument which, he states, ‘are considered necessary for the conservation and preservation of the National Monument’.

The work consented to seems consistent with the preservation and restoration of the National Monument and the development of the commemorative centre.

However, the Minister has also consented to the demolition of Numbers 13, 18 and 19 Moore Street on the grounds that they are post-1916 structures. This facilitates the destruction of the terrace 10-25 Moore Street. This means that he has confined himself to his remit under the National Monuments Act to 14 to 17 Moore Street alone. He has not acted on his overall responsibility as Heritage Minister to preserve this historic area – Moore Street and the ‘laneways of history’ behind it, the evacuation route from the GPO and the entire battlefield site.

So, the campaign to save Moore Street, led by the families of the 1916 Leaders, must continue. A delegation of TDs met the Minister this Tuesday. I told him this in our conversation.  

I and the other TDs urged him to engage with all of the stakeholders – the 1916 relatives, all property owners in the area and not just Chartered Land, the National Museum, NAMA and other relevant State agencies and NGOs with the aim of framing a new plan to fully preserve the National Monument and the terrace in which it stands, but also to develop the Historic 1916 Quarter/Battlefield Site.

The preservation of the National Monument and of Moore Street and the surrounding streetscape would allow for the development of a Historic 1916 Quarter encompassing the entire Moore St/O’Connell St. area. This would have ample scope for commercial and retail development, helping to rejuvenate this neglected part of our capital.

 
In my view all this needs to be done quickly so that when the centenary of the 1916 Rising takes place that Moore Street and its environs will be a place every Irish man and woman will be proud to visit.


 

 

Building a new Republic – Let’s begin now

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 Speaking at MacGill Summer School in the Glenties
 
Patrick MacGill was born not far from Glenties in south west Donegal. He was a poet and a novelist. At aged 12 he was sent to the Hiring Fair in Strabane where he was taken on by a wealthy Tyrone farmer. Many children of that period in Donegal frequently found themselves in Scotland working long hard hours for little return.

MacGill worked on the railway line in Scotland and subsequently called the ‘Navvy’s poet’.

He published several volumes of poetry and in 1914 an account of the harsh life of Irish emigrant workers in Scotland. During the 1914-18 war he fought and was wounded as a British soldier. Afterward he continued to write poetry and fiction and drama.

As a tribute to this remarkable individual journalist and producer Joe Mulholland, along with some local people, established a ‘summer school’ in 1981. This isn’t a school of the kind we are all used to. It is a special, different kind of ‘school’ which brings together for one week politicians, journalists, academics, trade unionists, economists, writers, lawyers, community activists, university lecturers, and church leaders to discuss the great issues of the day.

There are other similar ‘schools’ held during the summer months – including one by An Phoblacht.

The MacGill Summer School has an international reputation. So consequently each year the Glenties plays host to a diverse range of contributors.

This year with the centenary of the 1916 Rising only three years away the organisers set as the main theme: Looking to 2016 – How stands the Republic? 

I spoke on Wednesday evening in the section entitled – Envisioning a Republic of Justice, Equality and Fairness.

Not surprisingly I nailed my colours to the mast at the outset. This state is not the Republic envisaged by those who wrote the Proclamation. They had a vision for a real republic – a republic of justice, equality and fairness – a republic for all the people of this island.

This is clear when you read the Proclamation. It addresses Irish men and Irish women. At a time when women didn’t have the vote this simple address was in itself a progressive statement. Irishmen and Irishwomen is what it says.

It doesn’t say unless you are gay or unless you are a traveler or unless you are poor or unless you are disabled.

No. The Proclamation speaks of pursuing the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and all its parts; guarantees civil and religious liberty, and equal rights and equal opportunities; and commits the republic to cherishing all the children of the nation equally.

It is also impossible to examine this issue without referencing the fact that almost 100 years ago partition created two conservative states ruled in their narrow self-interests by two conservative elites.

The northern state was a one party state which reinforced the institutionalised use of discrimination, sectarianism and segregation. And despite the significant progress arising from the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement the legacy of that structured discrimination and inequality still needs to be tackled in a focussed and systematic way.

Partition also affected the south. This state is the product of the counter-revolution that followed the Rising and of a dreadful civil war which tore out the heart of what remained of the generosity of our national spirit.

As the idealism of the aborted revolution waned a native conservative elite replaced the old English elite with little real change in the organisation of Irish society and no real movement towards a rights based dispensation. Instead conservatism ruled.
Religion was hijacked by mean men who used the gospel not to empower but to control, and narrow moral codes were enforced to subvert the instinctive generosity of our people.

Women were excluded from the workplace and public life; gay and lesbian citizens were denied equality under the law and all the while scandals like the abuse in the industrial schools, the Magdalene laundries, Bethany Home and the barbaric practice of symphysiotomy were tolerated and encouraged.

The arts were censored. Our language undermined.  Millions fled to England, the USA and Australia. A lesser people would not have survived.



The real republic that the 1916 leaders fought and died for and which this generation seeks is a republic tolerant of the views, opinions or beliefs of others and is inclusive of all its’ people. It is a republic rooted in the core principles of 1798, of 1916 and the Democratic Programme of the First Dáil.

It is a republic that shares its wealth more equitably, looks after its’ aged and young, provides full rights for people with disabilities, liberates women and delivers the highest standards of public service.

It is a republic that has a sense of itself, will defend and enhance its language and culture and ensure that equality is the basis on which it plans, promotes and sustains the language.

A new Republic for the 21st century must mean equal rights for those in same sex relationships, ethnic minorities and those of all creeds and none. Equality and fairness must be at the heart of this. 
The key to building a new republic – a 32 county republic – is to begin now. The island of Ireland today is in transition. A lot of the old certainties are gone. Many of the old conservative influences have been weakened. Progress has been made.

We have the opportunity to ensure that justice, equality and fairness are core principles of a new society. We have the opportunity to win real freedom.
 

 

 

 

 

 

Heroic response to Hospital flood

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The stream behind Letterkenny Hospital seemed so innocent and innocuous. There was no huge torrent of water rushing through the culvert. It was hardly more than a small stream of water. It looked harmless and it was hard to imagine that last Friday evening it turned into a tidal wave of destruction that swept through the hospital leaving devastation in its wake.

Yesterday morning Padraig McLaughlin TD, and Councillors Gerry McMonagle and Micky McMahon and I visited the hospital to see for ourselves the damage wreaked when the stream burst its banks and contaminated water a metre deep cascaded down through the hospital. Workmen were busy clearing away debris from the stream and from along its course to prevent a recurrence. An independent civil engineering review is currently being carried out to establish what happened and why, and to make recommendations to ensure it doesn’t happen again.

 
The Culvert and Hospital

But around 5pm last Friday a deluge of rain saw the culvert break its bank and flood through Letterkenny hospital putting some 40% of the hospital out of action in a frightening and shocking one hour period. Youtube has video of the water rushing down corridors. Staff we spoke to recounted how they desperately moved seriously ill patients out of flooded rooms along debris strewn corridors. Remarkably no one was injured. The hospital staff and emergency services performed heroically and succeeded in getting patients to safety.

Sean Murphy the hospital’s General Manager and Anne Flood the Head of Nursing explained the scale of the emergency but also outlined their efforts to get services back up and running as quickly as possible. As we spoke in a conference room on the ground floor a large lorry arrived outside with a CT scanner. It will be parked in the grounds and put to work. It will be joined by X-ray equipment and an MRI also in lorries.

The extent of the damage is evident in the list of departments closed – the emergency department; the acute medical assessment unit; haematology and oncology; the outpatient department; the radiology department; coronary care; kitchens and support service offices. We spoke to Irish Army soldiers preparing to move medical records. The depth of the water has also meant that some 10,000 files have been damaged and contaminated and will need to be carefully cleaned by specialists.

For patients this is of particular concern as their future treatment will be determined by what those records contain.

The hospital management say that they have received outstanding support from everyone. There has thus far been no quibbling over money and resources. Altnagelvin hospital in Derry and Sligo hospital have picked up some of the work of Letterkenny. Nursing staff and doctors from Letterkenny are travelling to Derry to help Altnegelvin treat Donegal patients. Normally for medical staff to get accreditation to allow them to work in a different jurisdiction would take several months but the respective professional and health providers are co-operating to get this done in days.

The staff, emergency services and Donegal community have rallied to the hospital and are determined to repair all of the damage. It is vital that the government and the HSE step up to the mark and commit themselves to what will be a long term commitment to restore Letterkenny hospital.

Some older parts of the hospital may need to be replaced but even the newer buildings affected have been badly contaminated by the water damage and require significant infrastructure work.

The tour of the hospital revealed to us the extent of the devastation. In one place a line of dirt showed the height the water had reached in the corridors. A lot of the equipment has already been cleaned but the contamination means that specialist cleaning will be required and major infrastructure repairs carried out.

I want to again commend all of the staff and those in the emergency services who have responded to this unique and unparalleled disaster.

Adams responds to Statement by Stack Family

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Brian Stack was the chief officer in Portlaoise prison in March 1983 when he was shot and grievously wounded. The IRA said it was not involved. A year and a half later Brian Stack died as a result of his injuries.

Mr. Stack was a married man with three young sons. Since then the family have sought answers to questions about who shot their father and why.

At the beginning of May I met Austin and Oliver Stack in Leinster House. They asked for my assistance in seeking answers and closure to questions they had surrounding the killing of their father. I told them I would try to help.

From that time I worked with Austin and Oliver to establish whether the IRA was involved in their father’s death.
Recently I accompanied Austin and Oliver to a meeting with a former IRA leader who had enquired into the events of March 1983.

The substance of his conclusions are contained in the family statement which states that the former IRA leader: Acknowledged that the IRA was responsible for the death of Chief Officer Brian Stack and that IRA members acting under orders carried out this attack.  We were further informed that the IRA leadership had not sanctioned the attack and upon becoming aware that its members, acting under orders, carried out the attack, the IRA disciplined the member responsible for issuing the instruction. 

The statement also expressed regret that it had taken so long to clarify this matter and acknowledged that the attack should not have taken place.  An expression of sorrow for the pain and hurt suffered by our family was also included.”

Also in their statement the family said:“This process has brought an element of closure to our family …”

I want to pay tribute to the Stack family – to Sheila Stack and her sons, Austin, Kieran and Oliver.
On behalf of Sinn Féin I extend my regret at the killing of Brian.

I hope that these recent developments will help them achieve the closure they have sought for 30 years.
Addressing complex and painful legacy issues is an enormous challenge.

Dealing with the human consequences of conflict in terms acceptable to victims and their families is very difficult, especially in the absence of a process which provides for the voluntary participation of witnesses.
Nonetheless it is a challenge which republicans will not shy away from.

This generation of republican activists who lived through and survived the war have a duty and a responsibility to do our best to help victims and families.

 

Supporting the Ballymurphy Families

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The decision by the British Secretary of State, the PSNI and the HET to try to prevent inquest and trial transcripts from being given to the families of three victims of the conflict has again focussed attention on the refusal of the British government to deal properly with victims and their families, and in particular the victims of British state violence.

Patrick McAdorey was killed by the British Army on August 9th 1971; Sarah Larmour was killed by the UVF on October 3rd 1979 and Michael Donnelly was killed by the British Army on August 9th 1980. Their families want to know what happened and why.

The Minister for Culture, Arts and Leisure Caral Ni Chuilin sought and was given the go-ahead by the north’s Attorney General for the inquest papers and trial transcripts to be handed over to Relatives for Justice and to the families. All of these documents are already in the public domain and were reported in the media at the time.

Until 2012, these types of papers were routinely disclosed by the Public Records Office to relatives and their legal representatives.  That changed last summer, when the PSNI/HET attempted to introduce itself as a new gatekeeper over the disclosure of all such Public Records, without the permission or knowledge of the DCAL Minister.  That is at the heart of this latest issue.

The desire of the British state and its agencies to withhold information about its actions in the north is at the heart of this issue. Consequently, they sought and secured an injunction against any public dissemination of the files. We now have to wait until later on Thursday to find out what happens next.

This is not a new approach by the British government. Successive British governments have steadfastly refused to deal comprehensively with the issue of victims. Bloody Sunday was one example. This current court case is another. So too is the British refusal to deal honestly with the families of the Ballymurphy and Springhill massacres.
 
11 citizens from the Ballymurphy area, including a local priest and mother of 8 were killed by the Paras in a 36 hour period following the introduction of internment on August 9th 1971. They were among 20 people, including IRA Volunteer Patrick McAdorey, who were killed by the British Army in the north in the week after August 9th.

Five months later the same regiment killed 14 people in Derry and six months after that they returned to the greater Ballymurphy area and shot dead another five citizens, three of whom were children. They also killed another priest.

Last Sunday the relatives of the Ballymurphy victims held a march and rally to highlight their demand for truth. They and the Springhill relatives have demonstrated extraordinary courage and determination in the face of British secrecy and obstruction over many difficult years.

Their tenacity and resolve has seen the families compile significant evidence which shows that all who died were killed unlawfully and in breach of Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).

The Ballymurphy case also raises serious questions regarding human rights abuses committed by the British Army and of the culture of impunity that allowed members of British state forces to routinely carry out violent actions without fear of being held accountable.

In November 2011 the families succeeded in persuading the newly appointed Attorney-General that new inquests should be held.

While this was a welcome development the families are understandably concerned about the limitations of an inquest to investigate the context, circumstances and aftermath of the deaths of their loved ones. They also have no confidence in the review of the deaths by the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) within the PSNI.

They question the independence of the HET and as the recent report by Professor Patricia Lundy concluded there is much that is wrong with the HET. The families have also met two British Secretaries of State who were less than helpful.

They have spoken to the Taoiseach and to Irish government officials but with little evidence that they are challenging the British position.

Undeterred by all of this the Ballymurphy families have proposed a new initiative to get to the truth. They are seeking the appointment of an Independent Panel to examine all of the documents relating to the context, circumstances and aftermath of the deaths of their loved ones.

The Panel would investigate the role of the British Government, British Army, and criminal justice agencies such as the RUC, DPP, the Coroner’s Office and the significance of the media; as well as secure the public disclosure of all of the available documents. It would publish a detailed, comprehensive report demonstrating how the disclosed documents add to public understanding of these events, their investigation and the consequences.

The families’ proposal is based on the terms of reference of the British Government funded work of the Hillsborough Independent Panel. I support their proposal. It is an innovative approach to the issue of truth and I would urge everyone interested in supporting the families to back their proposal and to join with them in demanding that the British government establish an Independent Panel.

However it is specific to these cases and will not help the hundreds of other families that have been bereaved or hurt. As the current court case involving Relatives for Justice demonstrates there is a need to construct a different approach, one which involves in the international community.

My experience in working with victims’ families has convinced me that only a statutory process of truth recovery facilitated by an acceptable international agency holds any prospect of addressing the needs of victims and families.

‘I have a dream’ - Remembering Martin Luther King

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Atlantain Georgiais where Martin Luther King was born and where he spent much of his life preaching. In March 2001 I had the good fortune of visiting Atlanta at the invitation of the Ancient Order of Hibernians and Friends of Sinn Féin. I was there to speak at several fundraisers.

It is a city inextricably linked to two of the great struggles in American history: the Civil War and the Civil Rights struggle. In 1864, after a four month siege by the Union armies the city surrendered and it was ordered to be burned to the ground by the union general William Tecumseh Sherman. Only its Churches and hospitals were spared.

In the 1950s and 60s it was at the heart of the Civil Rights struggle. No visit to Atlantais complete without walking through the Park and Preservation District. Martin Luther King’s home, where he was born in January 1929, is there. So too is the EbenezerBaptistChurch. It is an imposing brown brick building. Inside I had the opportunity to sit quietly and contemplate the efforts of all of those who marched and struggled for equality and civil rights.

This is where Martin Luther King Jr. preached his first sermon at the age of 17 and where he was co-pastor with his father for eight years. In 1957 an organisational meeting of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference was held there and Martin Luther King Jr became its first President. It played a key role in the Civil Rights struggle. It is a building which resonates with the words and deeds of freedom.

A short distance away is the King Centre with its impressive Visitors Centre and the graveside of Martin Luther King Jr.

I tell you all of this because it’s part of my history. Like many of my generation I was hugely influenced by the civil rights movement in the United States. ‘We shall overcome’ was adopted as the slogan for the Irish Civil Rights Association after its formation in 1967 and the courage and heroism of Rosa Parks and others inspired us in our opposition to discrimination in housing and jobs and our demand for the right to vote.

Rosa Parks’ refusal in 1955 to sit at the back of the bus in Montgomery, Alabama; her arrest and the boycott of the bus company was a pivotal moment in that historic struggle. It was also evidence that one person can make a difference.

During one of my first visits to the United States I had the privilege and honour to meet Rosa Parks, a small diminutive woman of tremendous strength of character and determination.

50 years later their efforts have brought about enormous change in American society. This has been most obvious in the election of a black President but intolerance and racism and inequality in employment still exist.

Yesterday – Wednesday August 28th– President Obama spoke at the Lincoln Memorial in Washingtonwhere 50 years ago Martin Luther King gave his seminal ‘I have a dream speech’. A quarter of a million people took part in that 1963 March for Jobs and Freedom.

In his historic address that day the civil rights leader reminded his audience that 100 years earlier Abraham Lincoln had signed the Emancipation Proclamation which gave hope to millions of slaves. But ‘the life of the negro is still crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination’. Martin Luther King spelt out his dream, his vision, his aisling for the future. A dream in which no one will be judged by the colour of their skin.

Last weekend tens of thousands of American citizens took to the streets of the US capital to celebrate that momentous event.

But as Martin Luther King III, the eldest son of the assassinated civil rights leader pointed out; ‘This is not the time for nostalgic commemoration, nor is this the time for self-congratulatory celebration. The task is not done. The journey is not complete. We can and we must do more.’

And therein lies the great truth of all struggles for freedom and human and civil rights whether in the United States or Ireland or South Africa  – it is a constant battle for change, for improvement, for redefining our relationships with each other. And it’s about creating the conditions whereby people are empowered to make that change.

Speaking to the First Annual Institute on Non-Violence and Social Change in Montgomery in December 1956 King told his audience that freedom and justice and positive change are not inevitable. He warned that ‘history has proven that social systems have a great last-minute breathing power and the guardians of a status quo are always on hand with their oxygen tents to keep the old order alive.’

These words of warning apply as much today to the island of Ireland as they did 50 years ago. The peace process has brought about many changes. Ireland today is a country in transition. A lot of the old conservative influences have been weakened and progress has been made.

But it is equally clear that there is still huge resistance to change. We still have a lot of work to do to build the republic that is envisioned in the 1916 Proclamation – an Ireland free of division and injustice and fear; an Ireland in which the wealth of the nation is invested creatively and more fairly; an Ireland in which there is equality and justice and freedom.

As we continue our journey forward the words and deeds of Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks and others will continue to inspire us.

In his 1956 speech King concluded his remarks by arguing that we all must have the courage to ‘stand up and protest against injustice wherever we find it.’

He said: ‘There is nothing in all of the world greater than freedom. It is worth paying for; it is worth losing a job; it is worth going to jail for. I would rather be a free pauper than a rich slave. I would rather die in abject poverty with my convictions than live in inordinate riches with the lack of self respect.’

 

Seamus Heaney - A national treasure is lost

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Seamus Heaney, Warren Thompson, Jimmy Ellis and mise at Sam Thompson's graveside
 
Seamus Heaney is dead. When I heard the news this morning I was cleaning out a shed. Dirty and dusty and lost in that chore I got the news by text. I was deeply shocked. I stood for a while trying to take it in. I still can’t quite believe it. Although I have known Seamus personally for many years like millions of others I first knew him through his words – and what words. As a result I seem to have known him most of my life. And now he’s gone.

Seamus was a national treasure. He was of us with a profound and humane understanding of us as an island people with all our fault lines and flaws and strengths. He was extremely modest, approachable and humble. And until his death this morning the world’s greatest living poet in the English language.

His name is spoken of in awe alongside those of Yeats, Joyce and Friel, O Connor and Kavanagh, and O Brien, O Casey and Shaw and so many of our other great writers and poets.

He was a proud Tamlaghduff man from County Derry who loved his place and people. And he wrote about them often. In his first major collection – Digging – he wrote of his father digging for potatoes and his grandfather cutting the turf ...

By God, the old man could handle a spade.

Just like his old man.

My grandfather cut more turf in a day

Than any other man on Toner’s bog.

Once I carried him milk in a bottle

Corked sloppily with paper. He straightened up

To drink it, than fell to right away

Nicking and slicing neatly, heaving sods

Over his shoulder, going down and down

For the good turf. Digging.’

He and Michael McLaverty both taught for a time in St. Thomas’s Secondary school on the Whiterock Road in west Belfast.

I first read Seamus Heaney in the early 1970’s. They were difficult and dangerous years. West Belfast, like other places was under British Army military occupation. Once while travelling on a bus down the Falls Road I was so busy reading his ‘Death of a Naturalist’, that he had published in 1966, that I failed to notice that the Brits had stopped the bus. It was the Parachute Regiment and they walked menacingly up and down asking passengers their names, addresses where they were going and checking this info with their Intelligence Officer and against cards of photos they carried with them of those they were hunting.

One Brit stared at me for a second and then questioned the passenger behind me. Everybody heaved a sigh of relief when they got off. From that point on Seamus Heaney became a sort of talisman for me.

In 2003 when I was writing ‘Hope and History’ which deals with the 80s and 90s and the birth and evolution of the peace process, I contacted Seamus and asked if he minded me quoting from his poem ‘The Cure at Troy’. It seemed to me then and today that ‘The Cure at Troy’ at once catches the despair of conflict and the hope of peace and justice. And ‘hope and history rhyme’. He generously agreed.



At Sam Thompson's rededication event

More recently in 2010 he returned to west Belfast for the rededication of a stone at the grave of playwright Sam Thompson and to speak about Michael McLaverty at a Féile an Phobail event in St. Mary’s University College on the Falls Road. Sam Thompson was a well known and influential writer. In 1959 the directors of the Group Theatre in Belfast refused to stage ‘Over the Bridge’ because of the way it highlighted sectarianism. The well known actor Jimmy Ellis left the group set up his own company and went ahead with the play in 1960.

Seamus and other contemporaries of Sam Thompson’s, including Sam’s son Warren and Jimmy Ellis gathered with the rest of us in the City Cemetery in the mizzley soft rain for a poignant little event. Although it is a story that will be told at another time the ceremony was hilarious and indeed ended up with Seamus giving the tribute to both Sam Thompson and Jimmy Ellis.

Afterwards Seamus and Marie Heaney went off with Danny Morrison to visit Saint Thomas’ School where Seamus and Michael McLaverty used to teach It was his first time there since 1961.By all accounts it was a very emotional visit for him. Incidentally in his poem ‘Whatever you say, say nothing’ he uses the line ‘is there a life before death’. That legend first appeared in neat white capitals on the wall of the city cemetery on the Whiterock Road. I saw it the first morning after it was painted.

His talk in the big hall in Saint Mary’s where he told us of the first time he saw his wife Marie were also emotional moments for this wonderful poet and thoroughly decent man. His tribute to McLaverty, because that is what it was, was peppered with humorous little insights and telling observations. We all sat enthralled. And then he read us some of his poetry. In many ways this visit was also a reconciliation. I think Marie understood that and she was delighted.

As well as being a wonderful human being Seamus was a literary figure of huge international stature, regarded by many as the greatest Irish poet since Yeats. In 1995 he was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. The Nobel citation described his poetry as ‘works of lyrical beauty and ethical depth, which exalt everyday miracles and the living past.’


Seamus was wise and modest and dazzled us constantly with his wordsmithery. His poetry uplifted and surprised us; challenged and brought comfort. He was in Derry during the Fleadh with Liam Óg O Flynn performing ‘The Poet and the Piper’. His verse ‘The Given Note’ involves two of my favourite pieces; Port na bPúcaí played by Liam and Seamus’s own ‘The Given Note’. I’m going to play the cd now.

Seamus knew his gift was a given but he worked at it. Magically weaving words, reliving memories, invoking imagination and emotion. Making us laugh and cry. And also making us think.

My thoughts at this time are with Seamus’ wife Marie and their children Christopher, Michael and Catherine Ann and his family.
But no celebration of his life would be complete without reference to ‘The Cure at Troy’ and his deep sense of hope for the future that underpins it.

Human beings suffer,

they torture one another,

they get hurt and get hard.

No poem or play or song

can fully right a wrong

inflicted or endured.

The innocent in gaols

beat on their bars together.

A hunger-striker's father

stands in the graveyard dumb.

The police widow in veils

faints at the funeral home.

History says, Don't hope

on this side of the grave.

But then, once in a lifetime

the longed for tidal wave

of justice can rise up,

and hope and history rhyme.

So hope for a great sea-change

on the far side of revenge.

Believe that a further shore

is reachable from here.

Believe in miracles

and cures and healing wells.
Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam

Deeply Sad at death of David Frost – Gerry Adams

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I have just heard of the death of David Frost. Very sad news.
 I was interviewed by David many times.
He was always courteous, good humoured, well researched and keenly interested in Ireland and the peace process. There was always a depth to his interviews that is frequently missing in others.
David’s style of interview was unique and effective.

He once explained to me that there are two types of interview. One in which the interviewer attacks like a blizzard, a storm, and the response of the guest is to button up, put on the big overcoat and go into protective mode.

The other is to come at the guest like a sunny day. This encourages the guest to take off their jacket and relax. In this way you get the more informed and interesting interview. Consequently he was the master of the great interview.

To his family and friends I want to extend my sincere sympathies and condolences.
Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam

 
 

Symphysiotomy report makes grim reading

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Until I stood for the Dáil in County Louth I had never heard of symphysiotomy. Several women victims of this barbaric practice came to see me to explain what had been done to them and to outline their long campaign for justice. For those of you who don’t know what it is or entails; symphysiotomy is a surgical procedure used in the arrest of descent during the second stage of labour in order to increase the diameter of a woman’s pelvis and allow for a vaginal birth. Initiated in France in the 18th century, this procedure involves severing the cartilage that connects the symphysis pubis with a scalpel under local anaesthesia, followed by unhinging of the pelvic bones to the extent needed for delivery

I was outraged by their personal stories of pain and abuse and moved by their courage and resilience. In the years since then the campaign has increased pressure on the government to address this issue in a way that is satisfactory to the remaining women survivors. As part of Sinn Féin’s efforts we have raised this issue in the Dáil and in the media but we also saw the value in raising this issue internationally.

As part of this I introduced some victims of symphysiotomy to Professor Irene Anne Jillson PhD. Irene has an international reputation in global health generally and in women’s health. She and four graduate nursing students voluntarily undertook a study of symphysiotomy, even paying their own travel and other expenses.
 
Today has seen the publication of their report by the prestigious School of Nursing and Health Studies at Georgetown University. Symphysiotomy in Ireland: A Qualitative Study’ makes grim reading. It is a detailed expose of the cruel and inhuman use of Symphysiotomy on women in Ireland.

The focus of the study was to explore ‘the factors that contributed to the use of Symphysiotomy’ in Ireland from 1944 to 1984 and to examine the impact it had on the women victims. Unusually the study also spoke to the husbands of women who had suffered Symphysiotomy and heard from them for the first time of the trauma of this practice on their wives and families.
 
The report also reveals that the procedure was often carried out without a women’s ‘understanding or consent. Most of the 1500 or more Irish women on whom symphysiotomies had been performed and who were alive in 1999, learned for the first time in that year, that the procedure had been performed on them, as a result of a newspaper article based on a doctoral thesis.’

Professor Jillson and two colleagues carried out exhaustive interviews with participants who in the main are between 60-80 years of age and live in Louth. The report records their experience and in their own words details their lack of consent to symphysiotomyand the lack of information available to them. Professor Jillson notes that ‘most women in the study reported that they had either never heard of the procedure or didn’t know what the procedure was at the time of their delivery … Doctors rarely gave an explanation of what they were doing before or during the procedure.’

And even after the procedure many women didn’t know what had been done to them.
 
The report pulls no punches in describing the pain that the women experienced. It reports that: ‘The physical distress following the symphysiotomy procedure was significant for nearly every woman interviewed. Women consistently reported chronic pain, fatigue, urinary tract infections, incontinence, difficulty walking, limited mobility, and pain during sexual intercourse. Many are confined to wheelchairs and/or have to walk with the assistance of a cane or walker. With regard to incontinence, one woman described continued problems with incontinence, which is both embarrassing and inconvenient. In describing her lack of bowel control, one woman shared, “I had no muscular control…It felt like a herd of elephants had walked all over me body.”

Pain pervaded the daily lives of many of the participants, altering the amount they could work and the amount of energy they had to carry out activities of daily living. Back pain was a persistent problem that limited the mobility of many of the women, and continues to do so.’

When asked what they now wanted most women said they wanted an explanation, transparency and an apology from those involved.

The experience of victims of symphysiotomy is expressed tellingly by one respondent who describes symphysiotomy as evil. She said: ‘One word: evil. Pure evil. It’s like a witch doctor participated in the abuse of women’s bodies. That’s what I feel.’ Another described it as ‘a curse one would not wish on my worst enemy.’

Recently the Minister for Health James Reilly refused to publish the second part of the report into symphysiotomy by Professor Oonagh Walsh. The Minister said he didn’t want to publish it until after the government has reached its decision on this issue.

This isn’t good enough. The victims, their families and supporters have a right to see all of the available information about the use of symphysiotomy and its effect on the women and their husbands and families.  

There are only around 200 survivors alive. They are all very elderly and carry deep physical and emotional scars from their experience. Some are quite frail. They simply cannot afford to wait months or longer for justice. Time is therefore of the essence.

The Ministers claim that it is ‘open to any woman not wishing to pursue mediation to bring a claim through the courts’ ignores the fact that many of the women cannot do this because of the Statue of Limitations.

In April the Government supported the Statute of Limitations (Amendment) Bill 2013, introduced by Caoimhghín O Caoláin TD, which seeks to accommodate access to the courts for all victims of symphysiotomy who would choose that course of action. However the government is preventing further progress on this.

The process of securing justice for these women victims is very important. The government is adding to the stress on victims and is ignoring the Dáil, by refusing to publish the Walsh report.

The victims of symphysiotomy must have the right to decide which course of action is best for them in their efforts to secure justice and compensation. To do that the government must publish the Walsh report; the terms of reference for the Judge and mediation process; a fixed and short timeframe for this process to take place and assist the passage of the Statute of Limitations (Amendment) Bill 2013.

The report by Professor Jillson is a welcome addition to the body of medical evidence and information now available.

 

 

 

 

Thank you Seamus Heaney

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Thank you Seamus Heaney

On Tuesday evening the Dáil set aside its normal business to remember Seamus Heaney. The deep sense of loss and of affection for Seamus was evident in all of the contributions.

In the days after his death I wrote of my own sorrow at his passing and yesterday, speaking in the Dáil, I again expressed the great sadness that engulfed millions when we learned of his passing.

This is some of what I said:

I am honoured to have the opportunity, on my own behalf and that of Sinn Féin, to join Dáil colleagues and others in the North, including in the Assembly and in south Derry, in expressing to Seamus's widow, Marie, and their children, Christopher, Michael and Catherine Ann, our profound sadness at his passing and our solidarity with them. I cannot recall any death in recent times that was felt by so many people. I know that sense of loss can only be a fraction of what his bereaved family and close personal friends are feeling.

Seoid náisiúnta ab ea Séamus. Táimid fíor-bhuíoch do Marie agus a teaghlach mar thug siad Seamus duinn. He was extremely modest, approachable and humble, and had a great sense of humour. He had a profound and humane understanding of us as a people because he was of us as a people, with all our faultlines, flaws, strengths and weaknesses. Until his death, he was the world's leading living poet in the English language…

In Long Kesh, where I was a prisoner for a time, I remember one 12 July sitting with a couple of other prisoners in a cage. We could hear the Orange drums outside on Blaris Road. To our surprise, one of our comrades started to recite, from memory, the poem OrangeDrums, Tyrone, 1966:

The lambeg balloons at his belly, weighs

Him back on his haunches, lodging thunder

Grossly there between his chin and his knees.

He is raised up by what he buckles under.

Each arm extended by a seasoned rod,

He parades behind it. And though the drummers

Are granted passage through the nodding crowd

It is the drums preside, like giant tumours.

To every cocked ear, expert in its greed,

His battered signature subscribes ‘No Pope’.

The pigskin’s scourged until his knuckles bleed.

The air is pounding like a stethoscope.


I do not think any of us could make reference to Seamus Heaney without referencing the Cure at Troy. It is so true. It reads:

Human beings suffer,

They torture one another,

They get hurt and get hard.

No poem or play or song

Can fully right a wrong

Inflicted and endured. 

The innocent in gaols

Beat on their bars together.

A hunger-striker’s father

Stands in the graveyard dumb.

The police widow in veils

Faints at the funeral home. 

History says, don’t hope

On this side of the grave.

But then, once in a lifetime

The longed-for tidal wave

Of justice can rise up,

And hope and history rhyme. 

So hope for a great sea-change

On the far side of revenge.

Believe that further shore

Is reachable from here.

Believe in miracle

And cures and healing wells.

In these days of turbulence and change in the North, we should be ever mindful that a further shore is reachable from here and we should reach for it.


Thank you Marie, Catherine Ann, Christopher and Michael. Go raibh míle maith agaibh. Thank you, Seamus Heaney.

Abolish the Seanad

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Vote YES - Abolish the Seanad
 
The story goes that an Irish politician arrived in New York and unexpectedly had to stay overnight. The hotel clerk said, ‘sorry we’re full up’ until, that is, the politician dropped the fact that he was a Senator in the Irish Parliament. He was then asked to wait while the clerk rushed off and within a matter of moments Senator X had his room.

Why? Because Americans know that their Senators have real power and influence and the clerk assumed Irish Senators are the same. Not so. But this wasn’t the first Irish Senator to find that arranging a meeting, getting a hotel room or a taxi or booking a restaurant in the USA is always made easier when the title ‘Senator’ is affixed to the name. The perception is greater than the reality.

And now the future of the Seanad (Senate) hangs in the balance. On October 4th a referendum will determine whether the Seanad stays as is or is abolished.

Sinn Féin would have preferred voters to have the additional choice of opting for root and branch reform and we proposed that the government hand the issue over to the constitutional convention for discussion and recommendation. But the government rejected this and has only allowed foe a YES or NO response to abolition.

In these circumstances Sinn Féin is calling for YES vote to abolish the Seanad.

The Seanad is an anachronistic, elitist and undemocratic institution which seeks to emulate the role of the equally elitist British House of Lords. It is not elected by the people but by only one per cent of the electorate. It has 60 members. Six are elected by the graduates of some universities; 43 are elected from five panels of nominees, which supposedly represent key elements of society, such as agriculture and education, public administration, the trade unions and business; and 11 are nominated by the Taoiseach.

Today’s Seanad was created by the 1937 Constitution and in the decades since , with a few honourable exceptions, it has become synonymous with cronyism and corruption, particularly by the Fianna Fáil party. That party used the system of political nominees to reward close political allies. The Seanad was also used as a safety net for those who failed to get elected to the Dáil.

At no point has the Seanad acted as a real check on the actions of the government. Since Fine Gael and Labour came to power two and a half years ago the Seanad has supported the government on every occasion, including the introduction of the Property Tax, cuts to the money provided to carers and the disabled, and a succession of austerity policies that have forced up unemployment and forced out over 300,000 citizens to Australia and Canada and the USA.

In addition the Seanad has no power to put questions to Ministers; nor can it prevent government legislation from becoming law and almost all amendments proposed and adopted by the Seanad in recent years was with the government’s agreement.

No democrat can in my view support a body as flawed, powerless, undemocratic and discriminatory as this.

However, thus far the political and public debate around the referendum hasn’t really sparked. The refusal of the Taoiseach to debate the issue on television has excited some interest. The Fianna Fáil party which had called for abolition in its last election manifesto has flip-flopped on the issue and is now campaigning for its retention and reform.

Its leader Micheál Martin claims that reform is possible. He has even gone so far as to suggest that a reformed Seanad would allow for northern representation and for the diaspora to be represented in the Dáil.

Few take this Damascus-like conversion too seriously. The Fianna Fáil leadership is desperate to rebuild the party after its disastrous showing in 2011. Martin believes that this tactical political position will provide him with a political platform to oppose the government and secure much needed media attention.

This is the same Micheál Martin who as part of the last government refused to hold a by-election in Donegal South for purely party political interests and with no consideration for the voters of that area who were left under represented.

This is the same Micheál Martin who supported Bertie Ahern throughout his time as Taoiseach and saw nothing wrong with using the Seanad to reward political cronies. This included using secure car parking and access to the Dáil members bar for close associates, including the general secretary of the party.

This is the same Micheál Martin who was part of a government which agreed to allow northern MPs to speak in the Dáil without voting rights as part of the peace process negotiations and then reneged on that.

In his fourteen years in the Fianna Fáil government neither Mr. Martin nor his government made any effort to reform the Seanad. So can their latter day conversion to reform be believed? I don’t think so.

But Fianna Fáil are not alone in how they abused the Seanad. Despite numerous claims over the decades by all of the establishment parties that they would reform the Seanad none ever did. On 12 successive occasions reports were produced proposing reform. None was ever implemented. In 1979 the people voted in a referendum to broaden the franchise to all graduates of institutes of higher education. It gathers dust on a shelf somewhere.

The fact is that no government has ever been prepared to allow the second chamber to scrutinise in a meaningful and effective manner its legislative programme.

There can be no place in a democratic system for an elected institution to which only a tiny minority have the right to vote. All citizens must be treated equally. It is also clearly unjust that citizens right to vote is determined by their level of education.

So, on October 4th the electorate will have their say in referendum. I am asking that they vote to abolish the Seanad. Of course that doesn’t mean that what remains is fine. On the contrary the political system needs significant reform but that’s for another blog.

 

 

 

Deasún Breatnach – An Appreciation

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‘All we Irish speakers seek is equality’
Deasún Breatnach was an extraordinary man.
His wife Luci (Lucila Hellman de Menchaca) was equally special and together they had six talented and gifted children; Diarmuid, Osgur, Caoilte, Oisín, Cormac and Lucilita.
Deasún lived his life to the full and that is reflected in the 11 books he wrote and in his significant and valuable library of hundreds of books, on history and literature, on culture and the Irish language, heritage and folklore that the family presented to Acadamh na hOllscolaíochta, NUI Galway last Saturday evening.
The Acadamh is charged with promoting higher education through the medium of Irish and works in the Irish communications sector, with a particular reference on journalism.
Deasún would have applauded their decision.
Instead of gathering dust in boxes they will now find renewed life on the shelves of Galway University and play their part in influencing and shaping future generations of journalists and writers.
Deasún was many things – a poet, a novelist, a writer, a political activist, a socialist republican, a Gaelgéoir and a journalist.
He was a father and grandfather and musician.
He was also passionate about the co-operative movement and an active member of Conradh na Gaeilge.
His devotion to the Irish language which he learned in the 1950’s, is legendary.
Deasún wrote music and children’s stories; was an editor and linguist who published in Irish, English and Spanish.
At differing times in his life he worked for most of the main newspapers in this state and when he eventually retired he was a sub-editor for the Irish independent.
He used many pen names including Mac Lir, Dara Mac Dara and Rex Mac Gall section 31.
Deasún was a member of Sinn Féin and on two occasions was editor of the Sinn Féin paper An Phoblacht.
On the first occasion he stepped up to the plate in 1973-74 when Éamon Mac Thomáis was imprisoned under the Offences against the State Act.
It was a dangerous and difficult time to be a republican activist and especially a very public activist editing An Phoblacht.
Almost all found themselves arrested, dragged off to an interrogation centre, abused and briefly before the Special Criminal Court, before being sent off to Mountjoy or Portlaoise prison.
Deasún’s son Osgur was a victim of this process and of the infamous heavy gang.
Deasún became editor of An Phoblacht again in 1977 for two years.

In that year the entire editorial staff and the SDLP printer of the Belfast based Republican News were arrested and imprisoned before the charges were dismissed.
Official censorship in the south through Section 31 and unofficial censorship in the north meant that republicans had to work hard to promote and defend our political analysis.
There was no social media. No you tube or twitter or facebook or internet.
Local news bulletins printed in their tens of thousands on gestatner machines and distributed free door to door were widely used.
But the main vehicles of republican publicity were Republican News based in Belfast and An Phoblacht based in Dublin.
Deasún was one among many very brave men and women who wrote, designed, laid out and distributed these papers.
He had a sharp intellect, boundless energy and commitment, and was a prolific writer.
He worked long hours to earn a living and raise his family.
At the same time he gave freely of his time and experience and writing skills to produce An Phoblacht.
In his time Deasún wrote for the Irish Press, the Irish Times and the Irish Independent.
In the 40s he was asked to sub edit the Commentary.
Among those he interviewed for the magazine were Seán Ó Faoláin and Jack B. Yeats.
Ó Faoláin also founded The Bell which Deasún also wrote for.
An tUltach, Comhar agus Feasta first published his stories in Irish. 
He also wrote for the Farmers Journal, An Timire, and for ScealÉireann, Inniu and Lá.
He wrote letters regularly to the newspapers.
Most frequently these touched on issues affecting the Irish language.
For example, in November 2004 the Irish Times carried a letter from him criticising the failure to provide speech therapy in Irish for children in county Kerry. He wrote: ‘Here is yet another example of inequality where Irish speakers are concerned and where institutions of the Irish state are clearly to blame.’
Equality was a favourite theme of his.
That same year in a letter slamming some politicians for criticising the provisions of the Official Languages Act as a ‘monumental waste of money’Deasún in a short paragraph wrote a manifesto for action on the Irish language and on equality for this generation of activists.
He wrote: “Let us please be clear on this: All we Irish speakers seek is equality, opportunity for equality, official standing for equality, active, obvious and growing country-wide equality, in print, on radio, on tv, on public spending, in the Oireachtas, at local authority level, during elections, in church and in public wherever people gather for business or pleasure… All human beings are entitled under human rights, to a respect for their own dignity and, likewise, for their languages, including Irish.’
Deasún’s love for the language and his socialist and republican ideals shine through in those words. His actions in support of these ideals are also legendary.
In 1966 when the Irish government was off celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising Deasún was one of an Irish language activist group – Misneach – who challenged the record of the state at what they described as its ‘non achievement of the aims of the signatories of the Proclamation.’
They went on hunger strike for a week and picketed the GPO to highlight their campaign.
Micheál MacAonghusa, who was also a member of Misneach said he did not believe that ‘those who died in that Easter week died to have their names celebrated but rather their aims achieved.’
He and Luci were among those who founded the first Gaelscoil in Dublin, Scoil Lorcáin, in Monkstown.
Deasún died at the age of 85 on October 3rd 2007.
Tragically for the family it was also the day they were burying their mother.
Luci Bhreatnach was a political activist in her own right working in Amnesty International, the Irish anti-Apartheid Movement and the Irish Council for Civil Liberties.
Together they were a formidable couple.
I want to thank Diarmuid, Osgur, Caoilte, Oisín, Cormac and Lucilita for making this important donation of books to Galway University.


Deasún agus Luci 

Deasún Breatnach – Léirthuiscint
Duine faoi leith a bhíi nDeasún Breatnach.
Bhí a bheanchéile Lucy (Lucile Hellman de Menchaca) mar a gcéanna agus rugadh seisear clainne dóibh a raibh buanna agus tallann faoi leith acu; Diarmuid, Osgur, Caoilte, Oisín, Cormac agus Lucilita.
Chaith Deasún saol iomlán agus tá sé sin léirithe sa 12 leabhar a scríobh sé agus sa leabharlann shuntasach agus luachmhar a bhí aige, ina raibh na céadta leabhar staire agus litríochta, cultúir agus teanga, leabhair atá an teaghlach á mbronnadh ar Acadamh na hOllscolaíochta, Ollscoil na hÉireann, Gaillimh.
Tá sé de dhualgas ar an Acadamh ardoideachas a chur chun cinn trí mheán na Gaeilge agus trí shaothair in earnáil na cumarsáide Gaeilge, agus le béim faoi leith ar an iriseoireacht.
Bheadh Deasún sásta lena gcinneadh.
In áit ligean dóibh dusta a charnadh i mboscaí cuirfear beocht úr iontu ar sheilfeanna Ollscoil na Gaillimhe agus beidh tionchar acu ar ghlúnta iriseoirí agus scríbhneoirí atá le teacht.
Duine ilghnéitheach a bhí i nDeasún – file, úrscéalaí, scríbhneoir, gníomhaí polaitiúil, sóisialaí, poblachtanach, Gaeilgeoir agus iriseoir.
Athair, dadó agus ceoltóir ab ea é.
Bhí sé paiseanta faoin Ghaeilge.  Chum sé ceol agus scéalta do pháistí; bhí sé ina eagarthóir agus ina theangeolaí a d’fhoilsigh ábhar as Gaeilge, Béarla agus Spáinnis.
I rith tréimhsí áirithe ina shaol d’oibrigh sé do bhunús na bpríomhnuachtán sa stát seo agus nuair a chuaigh sé ar scoir sa deireadh bhí sé mar fho-eagarthóir ar an Irish Independent.
Is iomaí ainm cleite a d’úsáid sé, Mac Lir, Dara Mac Dara agus Rex Mac Gall ina measc.
Bhí Deasún fosta dhá uair mar eagarthóir ar nuachtán Shinn Féin, An Phoblacht.
Ghlac sé leis an chúram seo den chéad uair sa bhliain 1973 nuair a cuireadh Éamon Mac Thomáis i bpríosún de réir An Achta um Chiontaí in aghaidh an Stáit,
Am contúirteach agus deacair a bhí ann le bheith i do ghníomhaí poblachtanach agus go háirithemar ghníomhaí an-phoiblí ina eagarthóir ar An Phoblacht.
Gabhabh beagnach gach duine, glacadh chuig ionad ceistiúcháin iad, tugadh drochíde daoibh agus i ndiaidh seal gairidin roimh An Chúirt Choiriúil Speisialta, cuireadh go Príosún Mhuinseo nó Phort Laoise iad.
D’fhulaing mac Dheasúin, Osgur, faoin phroiséas seo agus faoin lámh láidir.
Bhí Deasún ina eagarthóir arís ar An Phoblacht sa bhliain 1977 ar feadh dhá bhliain.
Sa bhliain sin gabhadh foireann iomlán eagarthóireachta agus clódóir de chuid an SDLP ón nuachtán lonnaithe i mBéal Feirste, Republican News.
Cuireadh i bpríosún iad sular caitheadh na cúisimh amach.
Níorbh ann do na meáin sóisialta.
Níorbh ann do You Tube, Twitter ná Facebook.
Baineadh úsáid go forleathan as feasacháin nuachta a ndearnadh na mílte cóip dóibh agus a scaipeadh saor in aisce ó dhoras go doras.
Ba iad an Republican News, a bhí lonnaithe i mBéal Feirste, agus An Phoblacht, a bhí lonnaithe i mBaile Átha Cliath, an dá phríomhbhealach poiblíochta a bhí ag Poblachtanaigh.
Bhí Deasún i measc na ndaoine cróga sin a scríobh, a dhear, a leag amach agus a dháil na nuachtáin seo.
Bhí intleacht ghéar aige, fuinneamh agus tiomantas ollmhór, agus scríbhneoir torthúil a bhí ann.
D’oibir sé uaireanta fada chun beatha a thabhairt i dtír agus chun a chlann a thógáil.
Ag an am céanna, thug sé a chuid ama agus taithí go saor chomh maith lena scileanna scríbhneoireachta chun An Phoblacht a chur amach.
Ar feadh tamaill, scríobh Deasún don Irish Press agus don Irish Independent.
Chomh maith leis sin, scríobh sé don Farmers Journal, An Timire, na hirisí Bell agus Comhar agus Feasta agus do Scéál Éireann, Inniu agus Lá.
Scríobh sé litreacha go minic do na nuachtáin sin.
Ba mhinic é ag scríobh faoi na ceisteanna a raibh tionchar acu ar an teanga.
Mar shampla, i Samhain 2004, d’fhoilsigh The Irish Times litir uaidh inar cháin sé an dóigh nár cuireadh teiripe cainte ar fáil do pháistí i gCo. Chiarraí. Scríobh sé:
‘Seo sampla eile d’éagothroime maidir le Gaeilgeoirí agus an locht go soiléir ar institiúidí na hÉireann.’
Chuir sé an-bhéim ar an éagthroime riamh.
An bhliain chéanna cháin sé go mór roinnt polaiteoirí a dúirt go raibh Acht na dTeangacha Oifigiúla ina ‘chur amú ollmhór airgid’.


In alt gairid, scríobh Deasún forógra gníomhaíochta don Ghaeilge agus don chothromas.
Scríobh sé: “Bímis soiléir air seo: Níl uainn mar Ghaeilgeoirí ach Cothrom na Féinne, agus deiseanna chuige sin, seasamh oifigiúil don chothromas, cothromas ar fad na tíre, i gcúrsaí clódóireachta, ar an raidió, ar an Teilifís, maidir le caiteachas poiblí, san Oireachtas, ar leibhéal údaráis áitiúil, le linn na dtoghchán, san eaglais agus go poiblí in áit ar bith a dtagann daoine le chéile le haghaidh gnó nó le haghaidh pléisiúir….Tá gach duine i dteideal, de réir cearta daonna, meas a fheiceáil ar an dínit s’acu féin, agus, ar an teanga s’acu féin, an Ghaeilge san áireamh.’
Ba léir ó na focail sin an grá a bhí ag Deasún don teanga, chomh maith leis na hidéil shóisialacha agus phoblachtanacha.
Tá na rudaí a rinne sé chun tacaíocht a léiriú do na hidéil seo i mbéal an bhig is an mhóir.
I 1966 nuair a bhí Rialtas na hÉireann ar shiúl ag ceiliúradh Chomóradh 50 Bliain Éirí Amach na Cásca, bhí Deasún ar dhuine den ghrúpa gníomhaíochta Gaeilge – Misneach- a thug dúshlán an Stáit maidir leis an dóigh ‘nár éirigh leis an stát aidhmeanna sínitheoirí an Fhorógra a bhaint amach.’
Chuaigh siad ar stailc ocrais ar feadh seachtaine agus d’eagraigh siad picéad taobh amuigh d’Ard-Oifig an Phoist chun an feachtas a léiriú.
Dúirt Micheál Mac Aonghusa, a bhí ina bhall de Misneach, nár chreid sé ‘ go raibh na daoine sin a fuair bás le linn Sheachtain na Cásca ag iarraidh go mbeadh ainmneacha s’acu in airde in áit a gcuid aidhmeanna a bheith bainte amach.’
Fuair Deasún bás agus é 85 bliana d’aois ar an 3ú Dheireadh Fómhair 2007.
Go tragóideach don chlann, tharla sé ar an lá chéanna nuair a bhí a máthair á cur acu.
Ba ghníomhaí polaitiúil í Lucy Bhreatnach ar a bealach féin agus d’oibrigh sí le Amnesty International, le Gluaiseacht Frith-Apartheid na hÉireann agus leis an Chomhairle um Chearta an Duine
Dís faoi leith a bhí sa bheirt acu le chéile.
Ba mhaith liom mo bhuíochas a ghábháil le Diarmuid, Osgur, Caoilte, Oisín, Cormac agus Lucilita as an bhronntanas leabhar tábhachtach d’Ollscoil na Gaillimhe.




The Witch-hunt

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Dundalk Presser

 
This blog was in Louth today launching Sinn Fein's alternative budget submission. It was first to Drogheda and then on to Dundalk. Afterward I issued a statement arising from questions I was asked by the journalists about the recent court case.

Speaking in Dundalk today in answer to questions about the Liam Adams case, Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD said:

"For me this always been a family matter.
"It was quite rightly brought to the RUC and Social Services in 1987.
"So accusations of cover-up are patently cynical and untrue.
"As well as the allegations raised by Áine my family have also had to cope with the revelation that our father was an abuser.
"All of this has been hugely testing and challenging for me and for my clann. Only those who have had to go through this can appreciate the trauma it has caused.
"I am a public figure and subject to scrutiny and that is fair enough – but the despicable manner in which this issue is being dealt with by the DUP and others, and by some cynical elements of the media has become trial by media and a witch-hunt.
"It also does not take account of the impact this is having on my family who have been affected by all of this.
"For my part I have committed no offence.
"The matters you raise have all been dealt with by me in previous interviews and during the trial in which I appeared as a witness for the prosecution and answered all of the questions put to me.
"Liam has been found guilty and Áine has been vindicated.
"You will know that the PPS has asked the Attorney General in the north to review the decision by the PSNI and separately by the PPS that I have no case to answer.
"You will know that, under pressure from the DUP, the PSNI has begun an investigation into the evidence I gave during the court case.
"You will also know that, following a complaint by three senior DUP figures: Edwin Poots, Jonathan Craig and Paul Givan, the Police Ombudsman has now initiated an investigation into how the PSNI handled the Liam Adams case and according to media reports it is looking specifically at my evidence.
"That means that four law agencies in the north are now investigating or reviewing aspects of this case, mostly in respect of my evidence.
"This is unprecedented. I have learned of all of these developments in the media.
"My rights, if I have any, are unclear.
"I think in the interests of fairness that those sections of the media and those politicians who have been involved in a quite despicable campaign in recent days should allow these agencies to complete their work.
"The Police and Social Services had full information and detail of Áine’s allegations from 1987.
"I never had that detail.
"When Áine raised her abuse by her father with me again years later, she was an adult capable and entitled to make her own decisions on how she wanted to proceed.
"It was not my place to take decisions for her or to take any actions, other than what she wanted at that time, which was for Liam to acknowledge that he had sexually abused her; that she had told the truth and to apologise.
"I worked to facilitate an engagement between them with the aim of getting him to do this.
"When Liam failed to do this Áine went to the PSNI.
"I co-operated fully with the PSNI.
"I made statements in support of Áine.
"I co-operated fully with the Public Prosecution Service and with the prosecution lawyers.
"I gave evidence in court against my brother and in support of Áine.
"I reject unconditionally the charge that I committed any offence. I did my best and continue to do my best to deal with this issue.
"My extended family have all been affected by this case. I am not asking for the media to give me some special dispensation. But my family should be given the space and privacy to heal the hurt.
"I also want to thank all those people who sent messages of support and solidarity, including Oireachtas members from other parties, as well as constituents in Louth and others."

Out and about in Drogheda

A Mean budget

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Tomorrow – Tuesday - the Fine Gael and Labour government will publish its third budget. They were elected to undo the damage of Fianna Fáil but have chosen instead to implement Fianna Fáil policies. This will be the seventh austerity budget by those three parties which collectively will have stripped €30 billion out of the economy.

In the days leading to the budget the Simon Community released the latest details of homelessness which is spiralling to new levels. As well as an increase in the numbers of homeless it reports that government cuts to the budgets of homeless services and charities are causing huge difficulties.

The Central Statistics Office in its most recent survey on Income and Living Conditions recorded that the numbers in the ‘at risk poverty rate’ had increased from 14.7 per cent in 2010 to 16 percent in 2011.

Another report in recent days revealed that 1800 patients, including some with life threatening conditions, are waiting on cardiac treatment for up to six months. Staff cuts and funding cuts have left all of the 36 hospitals surveyed by the Irish Association of Cardiac Rehabilitation and the Irish Heart Foundation without the cardiac rehab expertise they need.

These are just two of countless examples of how austerity policies driven by Fine Gael and Labour are hurting citizens.

The government’s austerity policies are driving up poverty and disadvantage. Emigration and unemployment are at record levels especially among our young people; public services, particularly health, are in crisis and there are more cuts to be imposed this year; the economy is flat lined and the family home tax is being imposed on citizens. Every day families contact my office and the offices of every other TD about bad decisions taken in respect of their medical cards – decisions that are driving families over the edge into poverty and leaving many without the essential health care they need.
The determination of Fine Gael and Labour to stick to austerity is causing huge difficulties for families and small and medium businesses across this state. There have been:
  • Cutbacks in special needs education
  • Cuts to Carer’s Allowance and Carer’s Benefit and to the home help services.
  • Cuts to those reliant on social welfare - cuts to the Household Benefits Package which provides a range of assistance for pensioners, carers and people with disabilities.
  • Cuts to homelessness services of 10%.
  • Attacks on low and middle income earners– family stealth taxes, household charges, water charges, the USC and cost of living increases.
While at the same time there have been increases in salaries for Government appointees – including clear breaches of the cap imposed on salaries to be paid to government special advisors.

Austerity is working for the wealthy but it isn’t working for low and middle income families. Some 415,000 people are on the live register while 300,000 have emigrated in the last four years.

There are 49,000 people waiting for hospital treatments.

One in ten children are living in consistent poverty with 47% of households living on less than €100 a month after bills.

There are 90,000 households languishing on social housing lists while 180,000 households are in mortgage distress.

There are alternative policies. There are decisions that can be taken by this government which can ease the burden on low and middle income families and on those who are disadvantaged.

Labour knows this. In opposition it argued against many of the policies it is now implementing in government.
In the 2011 general election Labour warned what a Fine Gael government would do. In its Tesco-like ad ‘Every Little Hurts’ Labour claimed that a vote for Fine Gael would see child benefit cut; car tax increase; VAT increase and water charges introduced.

Labour claimed a vote for it was a vote to stop these.

After the election Labour u-turned and broke all of these election pledges. Labour cut Child benefit. Labour has backed water charges. Labour supported VAT increases and car tax increases.

When asked on RTE about Labour’s broken election promise to protect child benefit, Pat Rabitte said: “Isn’t that what you tend to do during an election?”

Tuesday’s budget will see the imposition of more cuts.

The damage being done to the economy by these decisions will be significant. But the damage done to society will be greater still and this government seems unconcerned about the social consequences of its decisions.

Fianna Fáil's disastrous time in office, and its surrender of economic sovereignty has left the state in a criticial financial position. Sinn Féin understands that the books must be balanced but it is the decisions that are taken to achieve this that are vital.

Last week Sinn Féin produced our alternative fully costed budget. It reduces the tax burden on ordinary families, protects public services and invests in jobs.

There are over 30 measures tax and savings measures in our document to make a deficit adjustment of €2.45 billion and pay for our €750 million worth of proposed new spending and tax back. These include:
  • 48% tax on income over €100,000: Raises€365 million
  • Re-introduce Non-Principal private Residence charge at€400: Raises €151 million
  • Restore Capital GainsTax to 40%: Raises €98 million
  • Increase Capital AcquisitionsTax to 40% and lower thresholds: Raises €108 million
  • 1% Wealth Tax on net wealth over €1 million
  • New employers’ rate of PRSI of 15.75% on portion of salary over €100,000: Raises€119.1 million
  • Standardise pension tax reliefs: Raises €343 million
  • Allow for carry-over (€583mn): adjustments
    (€607mn) and partial year (€405mn)
  • Deliver further savings on branded medicines and alter prescribing practices: Saves €258million
  • Partial introduction of full cost private care in public hospitals: Saves €120million
  • Phased withdrawal of private school annual state subsidy: Saves €36.3million
  • Oireachtas Pay and Allowances, including Taoiseach and Ministers reduced by 50% of everything over €75,000, and TDs and Senators reduced to €75,000 and €60,000 saves €3.7million.
Part of our budget also calls for free GP care for under five’s. Last week when launching the document I said that we were happy for the government to plagiarise any or all of it. At the weekend there were media reports that it is planning to introduce free GP care for the under 5s. We wait to see whether this is true and if they plan to adopt other parts of our budget.

In the Dáil chamber this week Sinn Féin’s Finance spokesperson Pearse Doherty TD and other colleagues will expose the meanness of this government and the hypocrisy of Labour and we will stand up for the rights of citizens – especially those who are least able to defend themselves.

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